Here’s how badly Democrats have to screw up to lose the election

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Wow, Rubio being HONEST for a change! Read it and weep, Righty bitchesSlapping-silly90))^

http://finance.yahoo.com/news/badly-democrats-screw-lose-election-124318435.html

By Maxwell Tani 3 hours ago

Here’s how badly Democrats have to screw up to lose the election

Earlier this spring, Sen. Marco Rubio's (R-Florida) pollster publicly laid out a potentially harsh truth: By his calculations, the eventual Republican nominee would need to capture 40% of the Latino vote in order to win in 2016. “Un*less you count on the Re*pub*lic*an getting Ron*ald Re*agan-like num*bers among whites, you’re go*ing to have to be some*where in the mid-forties with Hispanics,” Whit Ayres said, according to the National Journal.
Though somewhat shocking in its candor — former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney (R) carried just 23% of the Latino vote in 2012 — Ayres' comment emphasized what the Republican establishment has known for some time.
In a now infamous Republican "autopsy" report after the 2012 election, the Republican National Committee declared that the party needed to make significant inroads among Latinos — one of the largest and fastest-growing demographics in the US — if it hoped to be competitive in future elections. The party's standing with the bloc had crumbled since President George W. Bush carried 44% of the Latino vote in 2004.
But now, with Latinos rebuking Republican presidential front-runner Donald Trump's inflammatory comments about immigrants, the goal appears further from reach.
Indeed, an extensive new report from the left-leaning Center for American Progress (CAP) lays out just how steep a climb the Republican nominee will face next November.
'The eventual Democratic nominee ... is likely to have significantly more voters from communities of color to work with.'

The report notes that even by modest standards, Democrats have a significant, though not unbeatable, advantage heading into the 2016 election, primarily because of the growth of a diverse coalition of voters that backed President Barack Obama in 2012 — millennials, Latinos, and single women.
White voters remain a solidly Republican bloc, though Democrats have gained with white single women and college-educated white voters. Married and working-class white voters continue to gravitate toward the Republican Party, according to the report.
While the share of white voters is expected to shrink two percentage points lower than its level in 2012, the share of young and minority voters will likely be two points higher that it was in 2012. CAP suggested that the number may be even higher in key swing states.
"The eventual Democratic nominee is therefore likely to have significantly more voters from communities of color to work with in 2016 than in 2012," said the report, which was authored by Ruy Teixeira, John Halpin, and Rob Griffin. "But can she or he plausibly hope to replicate the 81% support among these minority voters President Obama received in his 2008 and 2012 election victories?"
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(REUTERS/Jim Young)
Even in somewhat dire election outcomes, Democrats have the upper hand

If the eventual Democratic nominee maintains 2012 levels of support among three key groups — an "11-point deficit among white college graduates, a 22-point deficit among white working-class voters, and a 64-point advantage among minority voters" — the Democratic candidate will overwhelmingly win the popular vote, and will almost certainly win the election, the report's authors concluded.
And even though minority voters, who are expected to make up 30% of the electorate in 2016, are key to Democrats' election strategy, the nominee could actually afford to lose some support within those blocs.
CAP estimated that even if minority groups' support for the Democratic nominee fell to 78%, and if opposition among white working-class supporters stood at the levels of the 2014 midterm elections, in which Democrats were crushed, Democrats could still win if the party maintained its 2012 support from white college graduates.
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Heres_how_badly_Democrats_have-336172d28161c5b04b134ecda4418564

(AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall)
Donald Trump.

'The Republican Party will be defined by the candidate who wins the nomination, not the candidates who lost'

The path for a Republican nominee to win the presidency relies on the party continuing to make sweeping gains among white voters.
Here's a theoretical scenario in which Republicans could win the popular vote, according to CAP: Democrats would capture just 78% of the minority vote — again, a three-point decline from 2012. And support among white college-graduate Democratic voters would deflate to match levels of the 2014 midterm elections, a disastrous cycle for Democrats.
But it's not clear if such a breakdown would help the eventual Republican nominee in key swing states. Moreover, turnout among Democratic voters is consistently better during presidential elections and drops sharply during midterms.
Despite the seemingly inevitable longer-term demographic problems for Republicans, some commentators and party strategists have argued that, at least for the time being, expanding gains among white voters could propel the GOP to the White House in 2016.
Sean Trende, an analyst at Real Clear Politics, has posited that another path to a GOP victory is by tapping into a pool of "missing" white voters who were unmoved by Romney in 2012. The theory goes: If Republicans can motivate more white voters, and minority voters show up at lower levels without Obama on the ballot, Republicans could narrowly take back the White House in 2016.
But as the National Journal notes, the problem with this theory is that white voters continue to make up a smaller share of the electorate. Non-college-educated white voters and married white voters, both groups that have been increasingly likely to vote, have all represented a shrinking share of the electorate over the last several elections. But the challenge for Republicans is motivating millions of "disenchanted" voters who stayed home in 2012 to suddenly show up.
The main challenge for Democrats is that voters appear less enthused about the 2016 election than Republican voters.
As Slate's Jim Newell has noted, a recent survey from the Democratic firm Greenberg Quinlan Rosner found that young and minority voters are less interested in the 2016 election at this point, compared to white voters.
This so-called enthusiasm gap has raised eyebrows in former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's campaign, which is already rolling out targeted plans to reach out to groups like Latino voters in contested states like Nevada. But some party insiders have maintained an air of nonchalance about the perceived problem, since the election remains nearly a year away.
For their part, though many Republicans have become more concerned that increasingly inflammatory rhetoric is damaging the party's chances at the White House; others believe such talk could quickly be forgotten in a general election.
When asked whether Rubio could meet the 40% threshold that his pollster had thrown out, one party insider predicted he would.
"The Republican Party will be defined by the candidate who wins the nomination, not the candidates who lost," the official told Business Insider.
 

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Unpopular? Yes, but Trump's base hasn't fractured enough to rule out a second term


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  • Patrick Scott
  • Ashley Kirk, data journalists
8 NOVEMBER 2017 • 11:39AM
The year since Donald Trump's election has been packed with controversy and intrigue but, underneath it all, few people seem to have really changed their minds about America's 45th President.



His approval rating quickly slumped in the chaotic days after assuming office, with Trump achieving a majority disapproval rating in a record of just eight days. Nine months in, he is far less popular than previous presidents at this stage of his presidency.



Trump has faced persistent allegations over Russian connections, fired the head of the FBI, launched tirades against the media, failed to push through healthcare reform and has escalated his rhetoric surrounding North Korea.



However, while there has been an overall drop in public opinion, the President's approval ratings have remained relatively stable since July, even experiencing a small uptick following his handling of the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville and Hurricane Irma.



To really understand where Trump is losing support - and whether he can afford to do so electorally - we need to delve beyond the President's overall approval rating.

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[FONT=&quot]Trump hasn't lost many supporters this year[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Approval rating (%), three-poll average


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[FONT=&quot]Our chart above is built using polling data supplied to us by YouGovand allows you break down Trump's job approval scores - i.e. the proportion of people who think he is doing a good job as president - by different demographic segments.

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[FONT=&quot]It shows that the polarisation of America's politics is so extreme that his popularity among Democrats can't really drop any further, while Republicans seemingly refuse to desert him no matter what he does.[/FONT]

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[h=3]Trump's approval rating hasn't dropped much among those who voted for him[/h]


[FONT=&quot]Back in January 2016, Trump claimed that he could shoot somebody and not lose any votes. He seems to have largely been correct in this estimation with his approval rating among those who voted for him last November standing at 89 per cent.


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[FONT=&quot]Among those who self-identify as being conservatives - although not necessarily Republicans - his approval rating is actually marginally higher than it was at the start of the year while, importantly, he is liked better by people who are registered to vote. His approval rating among registered voters hasn't dropped below 40 per cent all year.

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[h=3]Could Trump could win again?[/h]
[FONT=&quot]Given that Trump managed to win the presidency last year despite being unpopular among vast swathes of America, the impact of Trump's waning popularity on his chances of a second term in office are not clear-cut.

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[FONT=&quot]Additionally, a US presidential election isn't conducted on a national level, so national polling is only of limited use when assessing his chances.

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[FONT=&quot]In a race for electoral college votes, a presidential election is essentially divided into a separate vote for each of America's 50 states - a lesson Hillary Clinton bitterly learned as last year's results results trickled out.

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[FONT=&quot]Consequently, we must look at state-level data to gain a full picture of how the US President is performing compared to this time last year, especially in the states that turned red in 2016.


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[FONT=&quot]Donald Trump currently has a positive net approval rating in 17 states - all of which he won in the 2016 presidential election.

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[FONT=&quot]Some 33 states have a negative net approval rating, ranging from -1 in Alaska to -41 points in Vermont.

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[FONT=&quot]
[FONT=&quot]This includes all six states that swung to Trump in the 2016 election. He has an average negative approval rating in each of these states in 2017, from -4 points in Iowa to -12 in Michigan.


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[FONT=&quot]A negative net approval rate in each of these states doesn't bode well for a potential 2020 run for the Republican President.


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[FONT=&quot]He won the states of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan - all essential to his electoral college win - by a slender margin of less than one percentage point. It should therefore be worrying for the President that his average approval rating in each of these states is under -10 points.

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[FONT=&quot]However, with all these figures we must bear in mind that polling companies haven't been especially successful at predicting electoral success of late.


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[FONT=&quot]Trump would point out that he outperformed the polls in each of these six states in the 2016 election. The most dramatic example of this was in Wisconsin, where the final polling average had Clinton ahead by 6.5 points and Trump ended up winning the state by 0.7 points.


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[FONT=&quot]Despite many gleeful headlines about Trump's lack of popularity, it's hard to draw any concrete conclusions from these approval ratings in terms of what they mean for his prospects in the White House.


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With American politics so polarised, we certainly can't conclude that Trump's relatively low approval scores mean he can't win a second term.






But one thing is clear: with his approval rating in these six swing states lower than either his final election polling average or his lead in the actual election result, it is essential for the US President to retain the support of his core base - something which has held so far - to have any hope of retaining the presidency in 2020


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Where did the "Bloodhound Bob Turns up the heat, lol" thread go?

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