The New Statesman magazine has become rather unsettled in recent weeks about what it describes, on the front page on September 14, as "the far Right wing rising again", and "the return of fascism".
Those headlines were printed across the cover picture of a huge Nazi rally of steel helmeted men. There was not much inside to back up the scary front cover.
Indeed, inside the cover story had the headline "The Dark European Stain" but the author, Thomas Meany, seemed to pour cold water over it all.
Those headlines were printed across the cover picture of a huge Nazi rally of steel helmeted men. There was not much inside to back up the scary front cover.
Indeed, inside the cover story had the headline "The Dark European Stain" but the author, Thomas Meany, seemed to pour cold water over it all.
Cover of The New Statesman, September 14 2018 CREDIT: PROGRESSIVE DIGITAL MEDIA
I think that perhaps seeking a diversion from the stench of anti-Semitism and sympathy for IRA/Sinn Fein which hangs around the Labour leadership, the New Statesman was at its old game of claiming that both Hitler's National Socialist German Workers Party and Mussolini's Fascists were extreme Rright wing parties.
That despite the very word 'socialist' used by Hitler to describe his own party and the Fascists, whose collectivist values were signalled by the choice of the bundle of sticks, the "fasces", which could not be broken so long as they remained bound together.
That despite the very word 'socialist' used by Hitler to describe his own party and the Fascists, whose collectivist values were signalled by the choice of the bundle of sticks, the "fasces", which could not be broken so long as they remained bound together.
Here in Britain fascism has never enjoyed much support. Its most prominent proponent was Oswald Mosley, who started out in the late 1920s as a Conservative but defected to Labour and held high office in the Cabinet of the Labour Government of 1931. He resigned to form first The New Party and later the British Union of Fascists before being interned as a Nazi supporter in 1940.
It is either delusional or deceitful to call the Nazi or Fascist parties "Right wing".
There could hardly be any more clear example of the tin containing exactly what is said on the label than Hitler's Nazis, the National Socialist German Workers Party, nor Mussolini's collectivist Fascists. They were the Left-wing of politics on the European mainland. And they both proudly wore the racist badge of anti-Semitism
There could hardly be any more clear example of the tin containing exactly what is said on the label than Hitler's Nazis, the National Socialist German Workers Party, nor Mussolini's collectivist Fascists. They were the Left-wing of politics on the European mainland. And they both proudly wore the racist badge of anti-Semitism
[FONT="]Here in Britain it was very different. Our democratic Left had grown out of the non-conformist Christian values of the Welsh valleys and the self-help activism of the Rochdale Pioneers, which coalesced to form the Labour Party. Later, led by Attlee and Bevin, Labour became a bulwark of the wartime coalition led by Churchill.
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[FONT="]As the Coalition broke up at the end of the Second World War, Attlee won the 1945 general election. That Labour Government did not only found that lasting institution of post war Britain, the NHS. It led the moves to create Nato, embarked on the rebuilding of our armed forces and the creation of our independent nuclear weapons as Stalin's communist regime threatened the West with nuclear war.[/FONT]
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[FONT="]As the Coalition broke up at the end of the Second World War, Attlee won the 1945 general election. That Labour Government did not only found that lasting institution of post war Britain, the NHS. It led the moves to create Nato, embarked on the rebuilding of our armed forces and the creation of our independent nuclear weapons as Stalin's communist regime threatened the West with nuclear war.[/FONT]
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[FONT="]The political struggle in the United Kingdom today is not between an authoritarian far Right and a democratic Labour Party of the kind led by Attlee and Wilson. It is a struggle between a moderate (though sadly muddled) Conservative Party and an increasingly extreme Left-wing Labour Party. The latter is determined to followeconomic policies which have failedwherever they have been imposed and which even China has abandoned in order to bring prosperity to its people.
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[FONT="]Talk of an extreme political Right here is wild exaggeration and ridiculous misunderstanding of the kind seen in the murder of the perfectly decent Labour MP Jo Cox. Her assailant, Alexander Mair, had a history of mental health problems, was obsessed with Nazi regalia and books, and information about foreign white supremacists. There was nothing to link him with those of us on the Right of British politics who seek a less intrusive state, lower taxation and personal freedom.[/FONT]
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[FONT="]Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams in Dublin's Government Building in 2000. They met Bertie Ahern to discuss difficulties in implementing the Good Friday agreement.[/FONT] [FONT="]CREDIT: FERRAN PAREDES/REUTERS[/FONT]
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[FONT="]Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams in Dublin's Government Building in 2000. They met Bertie Ahern to discuss difficulties in implementing the Good Friday agreement.[/FONT] [FONT="]CREDIT: FERRAN PAREDES/REUTERS[/FONT]
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[FONT="]That is well illustrated elsewhere in The New Statesman of September 7, in which Jason Cowley makes a bold effort to give shadow chancellor John McDonnell a blue rinse. In the past McDonnell has said that the "most significant intellectual" influences on him were the "fundamental Marxist writers of Marx, Lenin and Trotsky". And he was a supporter and good friend to the IRA/SinnFein terrorists, saying: "It was the bombs and sacrifices made by the likes of Bobby Sands that brought Britain to the negotiating table," and "the peace we have now is due to the action of the IRA".
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[FONT="]In fact as all the rest of us know, it was the cowardice of Martin McGuiness who – knowing that the IRA was on the verge of a military defeat that would have brought him to justice – chose to save his skin by means of the Good Friday Agreement.
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[FONT="]In fact as all the rest of us know, it was the cowardice of Martin McGuiness who – knowing that the IRA was on the verge of a military defeat that would have brought him to justice – chose to save his skin by means of the Good Friday Agreement.
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[FONT="]The hard-Left Marxists who now own the Labour Party have been all too successful in smearing those of us on the moderate Right as extremists. The true face of the hard Left was on display in thecontemptible screaming mob outside the home of Jacob Rees-Mogg.[/FONT]
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The author
Norman Beresford Tebbit, Baron Tebbit, CH, PC (born 29 March 1931)[SUP][1][/SUP] is a British politician and life peer. A member of the Conservative Party, he served in the Cabinet from 1981 to 1987 as Secretary of State for Employment (1981–83), Secretary of State for Trade and Industry (1983–85), Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (1985–87) and Chairman of the Conservative Party (1985–87). He was a member of parliament (MP) from 1970 to 1992, representing the constituencies of Epping (1970–74) and Chingford (1974–92).
In 1984, he was injured in the Provisional Irish Republican Army's bombing of the Grand Hotel in Brighton, where he was staying during the Conservative Party Conference. His wife Margaret was left permanently disabled after the explosion.[SUP][2][/SUP] He left the cabinet after the 1987 general election to care for his wife.[SUP][3][/SUP] He considered standing for the Conservative leadership after Margaret Thatcher's resignation in 1990, but came to the decision not to stand as he had earlier made a commitment to his wife to retire from front-line politics.[SUP][4][/SUP]He retired from parliament for Chingford in 1992, and has since sat in the House of Lords as Baron Tebbit, of Chingford.
Norman Beresford Tebbit, Baron Tebbit, CH, PC (born 29 March 1931)[SUP][1][/SUP] is a British politician and life peer. A member of the Conservative Party, he served in the Cabinet from 1981 to 1987 as Secretary of State for Employment (1981–83), Secretary of State for Trade and Industry (1983–85), Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (1985–87) and Chairman of the Conservative Party (1985–87). He was a member of parliament (MP) from 1970 to 1992, representing the constituencies of Epping (1970–74) and Chingford (1974–92).
In 1984, he was injured in the Provisional Irish Republican Army's bombing of the Grand Hotel in Brighton, where he was staying during the Conservative Party Conference. His wife Margaret was left permanently disabled after the explosion.[SUP][2][/SUP] He left the cabinet after the 1987 general election to care for his wife.[SUP][3][/SUP] He considered standing for the Conservative leadership after Margaret Thatcher's resignation in 1990, but came to the decision not to stand as he had earlier made a commitment to his wife to retire from front-line politics.[SUP][4][/SUP]He retired from parliament for Chingford in 1992, and has since sat in the House of Lords as Baron Tebbit, of Chingford.
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